Violent and victimized bodies: sexual violence policy in England and Wales

This paper uses the notion of the body to frame an archaeology of sexual violence policy in England and Wales, applying and developing Pillow’s ideas. It argues that the dominant construction is of sexual violence as an individualized crime, with the solution being for a survivor to report, and with support often instrumentalized in relation to criminal justice objectives. However, criminal justice proceedings can intensify or create further trauma for sexual violence survivors. Furthermore, in addition to criminalizing the violent body and supporting the victimized one, there is a need for policy to produce alternative types of bodies through preventative interventions. Much sexual violence is situated within (hetero) sexual dynamics constructing a masculine aggressor and a feminine body which eventually yields. Prevention must therefore focus on developing embodied boundaries, and narratives at the margins of policy could underpin such efforts

Routine activities and proactive police activity: a macro-scale analysis of police searches in London and New York City

This paper explored how city-level changes in routine activities were associated with changes in frequencies of police searches using six years of police records from the London Metropolitan Police Service and the New York City Police Department. Routine activities were operationalised through selecting events that potentially impacted on (a) the street population, (b) the frequency of crime or (c) the level of police activity. OLS regression results indicated that routine activity variables (e.g. day of the week, periods of high demand for police service) can explain a large proportion of the variance in search frequency throughout the year. A complex set of results emerged, revealing cross-national dissimilarities and the differential impact of certain activities (e.g. public holidays). Importantly, temporal frequencies in searches are not reducible to associations between searches and recorded street crime, nor changes in on-street population. Based on the routine activity approach, a theoretical police-action model is proposed

Spatial interaction and security: A review and case study of the Syrian refugee crisis

Sir Alan Wilson's ideas and approaches have been highly influential in a number of fields within urban and regional modelling, including migration, transport and economics. Latterly, a substantial volume of research has explored the application of similar ideas to new problems, and at larger scales, many of which relate to major global challenges with significant policy implications. In this paper, we first review some of Alan's contributions in this area, focussing on his work on crime and security and its relationship with other dynamic phenomena. Following this, we present the results of some original empirical work concerning forced migration associated with the current Syrian refugee crisis. This work is directly inspired by Alan's work, and shares his ambition of contributing to a pressing policy challenge. In our model, which applies a spatial interaction framework, we examine the flows of migrants forced to leave Syria and the characteristics which influence their choice of destination country. In line with the intuitions of the broader literature, we find that shorter distances, economic prosperity, and cultural similarity (e.g., shared language and historical ties) attract forced migrants. Furthermore, we find that migrants are more likely to favour countries in which the probability of being granted asylum is higher; a finding with potential implications for policy. Contrary to expectation, we find little influence for levels of security in potential host nations (e.g. absence of crime and terrorism). This paper represents a preliminary modelling effort in this area which will be extended in future work incorporating dynamic models

A social identity model of riot diffusion: from injustice to empowerment in the 2011 London riots

Previous research has shown that riots spread across multiple locations, but has not explained underlying psychological processes. We examined rioting in three locations during the August 2011 disorders in England to test a social identity model of riot diffusion. We triangulated multiple sources to construct a narrative of events; and we analysed interviews with 68 participants to examine experiences. In line with the model, we found evidence for two pathways of influence: “cognitive” and “strategic”. For some participants, previous rioting was highly self-relevant, and shared identity was the basis of their subsequent involvement. For others, previous rioting was empowering because it demonstrated the vulnerability of a common enemy (the police). In each location, interaction dynamics mediated the link between initial perceptions and collective action. The utility of this social identity approach is that it is able to account for both the boundaries and the sequence of urban riot diffusion

Metropolitan Police Service User Satisfaction Survey, 2005/06-2017/18

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.January 2019: These data have been temporarily withdrawn while the depositor conducts a review of governance around data sharing and publication.The Metropolitan Police Service User Satisfaction Survey (MPS USS) (formerly known as the Crime Victim Survey) is a corporate survey tool used to measure crime victims' satisfaction with a specific instance of their contact with police. The survey covers the process from initial contact with police, through to police action and follow-up, whilst considering police treatment throughout the process. These elements feed into the main measure of 'Overall Satisfaction', and the results feed into the 'Citizen Focus' domain of Home Office measures. The Overall Satisfaction measure is further explored in order to monitor difference in satisfaction between white and black and minority ethnic (BME) groups, as well as victims of racist incidents. The results are gathered through telephone interviews with c. 18,000 victims a year, by an external market research company on behalf of the MPS. Victims are interviewed 6-12 weeks after they have reported the crime, and interviewing takes place throughout the year. The file currently includes data from 32 quarters between 2005/6 and 2017/18, though the documentation largely covers 2011 onwards. The sample includes victims of burglary, violent crime, vehicle crime, racially-motivated and homophobic crime, between the ages of 16 to 85 years. It excludes victims of domestic violence, serious assaults and sexual offences. Road Traffic Collision victims have not been surveyed since the fiscal year 2012-13. The USS data is reported quarterly within the MPS, and is also provided to the Home Office and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC). Another MPS survey series, the Metropolitan Police Public Attitudes Surveys, is held at the UK Data Archive under SN 7048. Latest edition information: For the fifth edition (June 2018) data for Quarters 49-52 were added, extending the study coverage to 2017/18. Main Topics:The questionnaire covers police response to the incident report; subsequent police actions and follow-up; victims' perceptions of their treatment by the police, overall satisfaction/dissatisfaction with the service received; respondent demographics

Normalizing extreme work in the Police Service? Austerity and the inspecting ranks

Using rich and extensive data collected from police Inspectors over an extended period (2011–2014), this study explores two research questions that seek to (1) define extreme work in policing and (2) understand how it is maintained and reproduced. For some, by definition, the work of the emergency services is understood to be extreme, but the urgent and dangerous elements of policing form only a small part of an Inspector’s job and for these incidents they are well-trained in advance and well-cared for afterwards. When police Inspectors describe their work in times of austerity, it is not the emergency aspects that they experience as extreme work. Rather, it is the intensity of work over long hours above contract, which are both involuntary and unrewarded. In seeking to understand what drives extreme work and why it is accepted, especially when it is not preferred, not paid for and has detrimental effects on health and wellbeing, we uncover a process of institutional maintenance through which over-work: (1) is intensified via the extra demands imposed by austerity; (2) is maintained through work practices, a strong professional identity and a masculine police culture; but (3) is not ‘normalized’ in the sense of being embraced or celebrated by police Inspectors